有人能提出一个策略来改变最终内容，但保留使用旧几何计算的textwidth外观吗？似乎无法在这些约束下做出可预测的行为（我的尝试在示例中被排除）。（原谅 VWE...想要演示自定义格式，包括边距内容。）fancyhdroffset\newgeometry
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\lhead{\tiny\sf The Role of Elites in Social Movements} % Short title of paper
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\rhead{\tiny\sf LCDR Brett Williams, USN} % Author
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{\huge Co-Delusion: The Role of Policy-Elites in Social Movements}\\
\textit{\scriptsize B W Williams}
% INTRODUCTION
The\marginpar{\scriptsize\textit{Only the mob and the elite can be attracted by the momentum of totalitarianism itself. The masses have to be won by propaganda.}\\
\begin{flushright}--- Hannah Arendt\end{flushright}}\marginpar{\vspace{3.5ex}\scriptsize\textit{Bruk ikke det utenlandske ord: {\rm idealer}. Vi har jo det gode norske ord: {\rm løgne}. (Don't use that foreign word: {\rm ideals}. We have a good Norwegian word: {\rm lies}.)}\\
\begin{flushright}--- Henrik Ibsen\end{flushright}} forces exerted by social movements are insignificant save that they are manipulated, directed, and exploited by the elite members of society.
[...]
% THE MEAT
\section*{\rm Defining Terms}
In the context of more abstract theories, a social movement is considered a manifestation of contentious (non-institutionalized) politics.\sidenote{\scriptsize\textsc{Fligstein \& McAdam}, 193.} Meanwhile, the institutionalized elite must be distinguished from such hierarchies as emerge within social movements themselves: a charismatic leader of a non-institu\-tional\-ized political entity may come from an elite segment of society but does not operate as an instrument of the policy-elite in his or her capacity within the social movement. Such disambiguation is important given the following considerations:
[...]
\textsc{Skrentny} provides a useful review of the role ascribed to elites by different flavors of social movement theory.
\begin{table}[h]
\caption{Role of Policy Elite by Theory}
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{lc}
\hline
& Relationship of Elite\\
Theory & to Social Movement\\
\hline
Political Process & Enabler\\
Political Mediation & Validator\\
Framing & Audience\\
Resource Mobilization\qquad & Instrument\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\label{tab:elites}
\end{table}
Essentially, the way policy elites perceive social movements is different from the way theorists perceive social movements or how movements perceive themselves. \textsc{Skrentny} offers the dimensions of \textit{definitional}, \textit{moral}, and \textit{threat} as useful in mapping the scope of a social movement within a field as defined by policy-elites. Comparing this to our understanding of movements as defined by a \textit{worthy}-\textit{unit\-ed}-\textit{num\-erous}-\textit{com\-mitted} (WUNC) coordinate space suggests mappings scarce to be reconciled outside a transcendent ``field'' theory such as that offered by \textsc{Fligstein \& McAdam}.
The field structure having defined a priori its dimensional extent (and hope for success), a social movement retains little in terms of agency: essentially the choice of whether to exist.
[...]
In the face of religion, and understood as a feature of language acquisition, the contemporary sociological conceptualization of humanity is as doomed to practical failure as any other secular view. The ``existential fear and uncertainty'' that \textsc{Fligstein \& McAdam} discuss has no place in a theocracy, which rather inherits from the religion it hosts pejorative understandings of such sentiments simply as manifestations of imperfect faith.\sidenote{\scriptsize\textsc{Fligstein \& McAdam}, 41.} The converse viewpoint is, of course, that religion (first) and the state (later) emerge from man's attempt to rationalize and ultimately institutionalize certain vexing social atavisms---such as collective violence---that are inconsistent with a society based on norms, but nevertheless persist. In either understanding, collective violence has its place in the social order either as a functional social organ in a primitive (irreligious, anarchic) race or as a vestigial social organ in a modern (religious, state-bound) race. The practical irony is the apparent penchant for modern society to repeatedly exercise that which its own precepts suggest it aspires to entirely excise.
[...]
[State definition: monopoly on legitimate violence.] That the traditional definition of the \textit{state} should hang so unequivocally on violence establishes the medium of power exchange and represents an a priori co-optation of strategic action field vocabulary.
[...]
[state as perturbation to a broader dynamic (SAF)]
Truly, in social science there exists no debate between instrumental and existential theories. A useful analogy is found in physics: that photons are described sometimes as particles and sometimes as waves does not indicate that scholars imagine them to be both or neither (although this view is sometimes, mistakenly, applied in popular science literature). It is simply that the mathematics of particles is more suited to describe the behavior of photons under certain conditions while the mathematics of waves is more suited under other conditions. That pursuits of collaborative meaning-making and narrow instrumental goals ``cannot,'' as \textsc{Fligstein \& McAdam} put it, ``be disentangled'' reveals limitations in the descriptive power of social science.\sidenote{\scriptsize\textsc{Fligstein \& McAdam}, 49.}
[Fictive.]
[...]
\section*{\rm SAF Case: National Security Leaks}
The robustness of the strategic action field concept invites us to consider disparate elements as obeying identical---or at least coupled---field equations. The ``leak'' movement as SAF elegantly accommodates the efforts of
\begin{itemize}\itemsep-2ex
\item PFC Bradley Manning;
\item WikiLeaks;
\item Edward Snowden;
\item the hacker collective \textit{Anonymous};
\end{itemize}
as well as their advocates, so-called \textit{slacktivists} who build awareness, non-vocal supporters, and even non-supporters who fail to saliently object to leak activities. The frontier of the SAF may even cut through the center of individual people, as observed recently in the case of National Security Council Advisor Jofi Joseph. Joseph evidently was torn by personal impulses intermittently irreconcilable with an SAF defined by his allegiance to the \textit{Democratic Party} or the \textit{presidential administration} for which he worked. In Joseph's imagination, an adjacent SAF, whether labeled \textit{Republican Party} or \textit{American public}, was possessed of a right to know about such things as the details of then Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's handling of a fatal incident in Benghazi, Libya; he averred this in a public forum, albeit anonymously, and was fired as a result.\sidenote{\scriptsize\textsc{Calmes}.}
In the SAF's own collective imagination, every revelation, from surveillance conducted on partner nation Heads of State to an apparent softening of target selection standards for high-tech assassinations, vindicates the leak movement.
\section*{\rm Violence as Medium}
Violence plays a central role in politics and therefore a central role in understanding the relationship between policy-elites and social movements.
In the context of \textsc{Fligstein \& McAdam}'s new algebra, we use old terms when we write \textit{elites} or indeed \textit{social movements}; these labels acknowledge only those entities' roles as defined by the \textit{state}, the chief feature of the latter being its categoric distinction from state-directed movements. To properly understand their relationship to each other, their loci must first be parsed to the new coordinate system of \textit{strategic action fields}.
[It is unsurprising to discover in the writings of \textsc{Fanon} various anticipations of strategic action fields.]
[Observed differentiations between human cultures say more about our capacity to perceive them than about their significance.]
\textsc{Klein}'s characterization of humanity as a geologic force is a perfect example of the grand solipsism impeding humanity's understanding of itself.\sidenote{\scriptsize\textsc{Klein}, 8.}
[Following \textsc{Nietzsche}, a deep human ambition towards a perfect collaborative symbolism pits the ``paradise'' of the elite against the ``paradise'' of any social movement.]
Out of necessity, Mao revised the Marxist-Leninist requirement for a capitalist phase, but needed to replace the structure offered by materialism. To elevate the role of peasants, Mao discovered quite by accident what power lay in man's need for meaning and identity: even as they starved---or perhaps because they starved---Mao's peasants asserted their significance with more authority and consequence than any proletariat in the communist world. While the Soviet worker conferred an \textit{instrumental} legitimacy on Soviet communism, the legitimacy afforded Maoism by its peasants was \textit{existential}. That no one in history had more authentic grounds for existential fear than a Chinese peasant under Mao (30 million died in three years) explains both Maoism's powerful hold and its terrible reputation.
%WANT THE FOLLOWING TO BE FULL WIDTH OF PAGE
\small
\textsc{Works Cited}
\begin{description}
\item \textsc{Calmes}, Jackie. ``White House Official on National Security Is Fired After Twitter Posts Are Unmasked.'' \textit{The New York Times}, 23 October 2013.
\item \textsc{Fligstein}, Neil, \textsc{\&} Doug \textsc{McAdam}. \textit{A Theory of Fields}. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
\item \textsc{Klein}, Richard G. \textit{The Dawn of Human Culture}. New York: John Wiley \& Sons, 2002.
\item \textsc{Skrentny}, John D. ``Policy-Elite Perceptions and Social Movement Success: Understanding Variations in Group Inclusion in Affirmative Action.''
\textit{American Journal of Sociology}, 111:16, 2006.
\end{description}
\end{document}
答案1
%希望以下内容占据整个页面宽度
的定义quote是
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你想要一些使文本变宽而不是变窄的东西，所以：
\newenvironment{outdent}
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\item\relax}
{\endlist}
或者您想要的任何值，而不是-2em将您的最终文本放在outdent环境中。