我正在使用\hyphenblockquote{french}{}命令。如何控制上方或下方的空间？
梅威瑟：
\documentclass[openright,french,ngerman,italian,british]{book}
\usepackage[main=british,italian,ngerman,french]{babel}
\usepackage{hyperref}
\usepackage[style=british,autostyle=true,strict=true,english=british,autopunct=true,parthreshold=true]{csquotes}
\setquotestyle{british}
\SetBlockThreshold{2}
\begin{document}
Jean Jaurès (1859\--1914) attributed a great role to Cloots. In his ground\-/breaking \textit{Socialist
History of the French Revolution} Jaurès wrote enthusiastically about Cloots
and his system, seeing him as a visionary, a political thinker superior to the other revolutionaries, combining Rousseau, Adam Smith, Diderot, Humboldt, Helvetius, and Spinoza. There is no doubt that Jaurès contributed to Cloots's reputation as a left\-/wing thinker, without the Marxist's stages of history in human development:
\hyphenblockquote{french}{Il n'est pas vrai de dire avec les économistes que le libre échange des produits fera tomber les antagonismes nationaux. Il n'est pas vrai de dire avec les révolutionnaires que la propagande de la liberté fera tomber les antagonismes économiques. Il y a là deux aspects liés et inséparables de la guerre. Et l'harmonie ne sera vraiment instituée que quand la libre communication des produits et l'exercice politique de la liberté se produiront à l'intérieur d'un seul État, d'un État unique enveloppant toutes les activités humaines.
J'ose dire que Cloots a admirablement posé le problème~; j'ose dire que l'histoire, dont le travail infiniment complexe paraît convenir si peu au schéma simple de Cloots, se meut en ce sens~: \dots{} elle tend à constituer, en effet, sous l'apparente diversité des nations et sous la violence persistante des antagonismes, l'État unique, l'État humain, expression de la civilisation générale.} Jaurès praises Cloots's analysis, but he tempers it with its shortcoming for jumping directly to the goal, notwithstanding Marxist historical materialism and the different steps leading to a unique state; the current step being nationalism. Cloots's faith in the people, the sans\-/culottes, is readapted as a socialist view of the growing strength of the proletariat. Jaurès added:
\hyphenblockquote{french}{Le nationalisme fragmentaire, le nationalisme national ne s'é\-lar\-gi\-ra pas d'emblée en nationalisme humain~: il passera par des formes «~d'internationalisme~» et une de ces formes sera la fédération des États.} Jaurès approves of Cloots's analysis, but considers that he is too enthusiastic and too optimistic. The nation\-/state is the necessary step before internationalism, and finally the unity of humankind. Interestingly, Jaurès uses the terms of `national nationalism' and `human nationalism'. Jaurès had a non\-/nationalist approach to nationalism and understood what Cloots meant by the `nation of the human race'.\footnote{See chapter on concepts of community infra for an explanation of these concepts.} Ernest Belfort Bax (1854\--1926), English barrister, socialist and anti\-/nationalist philosopher, historian, and journalist, was another example of an author who recognised Cloots as a cosmopolitan thinker: \hyphenblockquote{british}{The merit of the \enquote{Orator of the Human Race} consists in his having been the first to formulate Cosmopolitanism as a principle\dots{}}. However, not all socialist historians are favourable to Cloots. Albert Mathiez (1874\--1932), another French historian specialised in the revolution and famous for his Marxist interpretation, sketched a derisive portrait of Cloots, stressing that he was `universal' with quotation marks. More interestingly, Mathiez presented Cloots as someone who wanted to `suppress the nations', sarcastically noting that he believed that the human race was one despite the differences of colours, languages, and mores. Even if Mathiez did not appreciate Cloots, he recognised in him an anti\-/nationalist, and a universalist.
\end{document}